Only nine months after the last general elections in March 2013, campaigns for the next polls in 2017 have seemingly begun, overshadowing the development agenda and shaking Kenya's political stability.
This is not entirely unusual in Kenya. A common joke is, in Kenya politics don't go on vacation. Kenyans play politics from morning to evening, from the beginning to the end of the year, from one election to the other.
This time around, however, the political mood stands poisoned by lingering grudges and unending claims by the opposition CORD (the Coalition for Reforms and Development), that Raila Odinga was robbed of the last elections and that certain arms of government including the military, the judiciary and the electoral body, abetted his defeat. This lie has been doing the rounds since the elections and continues to be peddled in public meetings, funerals and even at parleys with foreign visitors.
Hitler's propaganda chief, Joseph Goebbels, once said that if you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually believe it to be the truth. This is what is happening in Kenya. This lie has been repeated so many times that even those in CORD who had doubts now believe the 2013 presidential elections were stolen. This situation is polarising the population and distracting the government from its agenda. Some Kenyans think the opposition is deliberately sabotaging the State through careless statements and surreptitious blackmail.
But the political temperatures are also on the rise as a result of the tumult in ODM, the Orange Democratic Movement, over the forthcoming party national elections. The succession battles for the party leadership has kicked off aggressive, no-holds barred jostling for positions, and exposed the ODM as a tribal organisation not a national party.
Some senior officials in ODM believe - and they have said this openly - that some crucial positions, including that of secretary general, should be reserved for Nyanza - Raila's home turf - arguing that surrendering them to "outsiders" would weaken the party. What this means is that Nyanza is either unwilling or is not ready to be led by leaders from outside the region.
Surprisingly, with all the talk in ODM of generational change, not a single "youthful" leader has come out to oppose the 69-year old Raila Odinga for the party leadership. Those, like James Orengo, Dalmas Otieno and Evens Kidero, who are a "little younger" than Raila are being fought left, right and centre by elements interested in preserving the fast fading Odinga dynasty. These are the same elements who are trying to coax Raila's rather disinterested son Fidel into joining politics.
And then, there are the problems in CORD of which ODM is a principal partner. Raila's closest allies are not amused that Kalonzo Musyoka of the Wiper Democratic Party and Moses Wetangula of Ford Kenya, who are part of CORD and much younger than Raila, want to challenge him for the presidency in 2017.
Supporters have already told Kalonzo and Wetangula not to cede ground to Raila. In the 2007 elections, Kalonzo failed to win the presidency and agreed instead to serve as number two to Mwai Kibaki. In 2013, he joined Raila as his deputy and both flopped. This time around his Kamba people have threatened to abandon him if he agrees to play second fiddle.
As for Wetangula, running for the presidency is the only way to rekindle his national image which, though boosted by his recent overwhelming win in the Bungoma Senatorial by-election, faces hurdles in his wider Luhialand home ground. In the meantime, he is telling his fragmented community to "come together" and to register as voters in large numbers in apparent preparation for his bid.
With the two vowing to proceed all the way, it is difficult to see how Raila will have a smooth ride four years from now. I am inclined to believe Kalonzo and Wetangula will decamp from the coalition at some stage and launch their own presidential campaigns. Left alone and depending almost exclusively on Nyanza votes, Raila will have no chance. The party has already lost in its top hierarchy some of its most dependable officials including the former chairman, Henry Kosgey and the former secretary general, Anyang Nyong'o, who have opted out.
I therefore believe Raila has tough times ahead partly because support even in his estwhile strongholds of Coast, Western and North-Eastern regions, is evaporating like steam from a boiling pot. Without numbers coming out of these areas, the chances of the former Prime Minister toppling Uhuru - assuming the President continues to maintain support of the Rift Valley - amount to zero.
But first things first. To get anywhere, Raila must first navigate through the mud of next month's National Delegates Conference. If his favoured candidate for the secretary general position, Dr. Agnes Zani prevails; if his chief trouble-shooter Otieno Kajwang wins the vice chairmanship; if money-man Ali Hassan Joho captures the deputy leader's position; and, on the other hand, if Evans Kidero and his group are vanquished, then Raila's road to 2017 will be much easier.
In the meantime, the political temperature continues to rise. It's time that we deflate it to allow us concentrate in nation building.
And that is my say.
Sunday, January 26, 2014
Sunday, January 19, 2014
KENYA COAST LEADERS: STOP DREAMING ABOUT "OUR PARTY"
Every so often, for as long as I can remember, a section of Kenya Coast leaders wakes up to announce plans for a Coast-based political party they believe might articulate more vigorously - and perhaps more exclusively - the aspirations and hopes of Coastarians.
I was one of such leader. There was a time when I believed in a Coast-managed political party. That is why, when I hear, as I am hearing now, that some Coast legislators want to form their own party away from the main organisations, I understand though I no longer hold that view. What I don't understand is why as Coast leaders we refuse to learn from past failures.
If there is a region which has had more political parties than any other since independence, it is the Coast. As proof just look at this long list of political organisations that have existed since the end of single party rule at the end of 1991 (not in any particular order):-
1. The Islamic Party of Kenya
2. Chama cha Majimbo na Mwangaza
3. Shirikisho Party of Kenya
4. Republican Congress
5. Uzalendo Party of Kenya
6. National Labour Party of Kenya
7. Kenya National Congress
8. Federal Party of Kenya
7. Kadu-Asili
(Political Pressure Groups)
1.Coast Leaders' Forum
2.Coast Peoples' Forum, and several others.
So, the issue is not whether Coast should have a political party. We already have several. The issue is why all these parties have failed to resonate with the people, and have either collapsed or are limping to their death.
Unlike the other regions in the country, Coast is not a homogeneous entity. It harbours many tribes that speak diverse languages and adhere to disparate cultures and norms. The Mijikenda may be the biggest unit but within it are nine distinct tribes whose languages and cultures have some variations, minuscule as they may be. Then we have theTaita and Taveta, Pokomo, Orma, Bajuni, Waswahili, the Arabs and several others.
To bring all these people together one needs more than a flimsy declaration or a hasty political decision. We have had similar declarations before but they have yielded nothing that can be said to be close to a regional party.
Before independence, the Coast had several satellite parties such as the Mombasa African Democratic Party (MADU), Kwale African Democratic Party (Kwadu), Kilifi African Peoples Union (KAPU) and similar others in Pokomoland and Taita/Taveta. They flourished and made immense contributions to our independence struggle.
When Ronald Ngala, Daniel Arap Moi and others formed the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) in 1963, it became easy to bring all those entities on board because there was a common thread of understanding of what unity was all about.
With the disbandment of KADU in 1964 came a scramble for positions in KANU's government that caused divisions within the Coastal leadership ranks. Those divisions have not been mended. The formation of the Coast Parliamentary Group in the 1980s intended to bring elected leaders closer failed to work because of petty jealousies and power struggles. Even today the CPG is a divided house. If elected leaders cannot sit down for a meaningful discussion, how can we expect people in all corners of the region to coalesce around one organisation?
That is why I now believe it was wishful thinking on my part to think forming Shirikisho with others in 1997 would unite Coastarians. It was also wishful thinking when I came up with the idea of the Coast Leaders' Forum in 2005. With this history behind me, I have every reason to predict that the efforts now in the works will bear no fruit and are therefore a waste of time.
Forming and maintaining a political party is not a walk in the park. They require huge amounts of money (which Coastarians do not have) and a great deal of sacrifice (which Coastarians lack). A short-cut will be to get a tycoon to bank-roll such an organisation. Whether that tycoon is an Italian investor who wants protection, an Arab businessman with a secret agenda, or a major political party angling for votes, the fact is that something will have to give. We have seen leaders and parties being pocketed by interested parties before. When that happens the party loses goodwill and it collapses.
There is another underlying malaise which must be sorted out for coastal unity to emerge. And this is a subject we Coastarians do not wish to discuss. It has to do with ethnic and even racial bias. Why, for example, do we think it is only a Mijikenda (and not a Taita or a Pokomo) who can lead the Coast? When we talk of anointing a Coastal leader we think of a Mijikenda. There has never been a "mgogo" from any other community other than Mijikenda. Don't the others have leaders who can lead?
No wonder Sharif Nassir - with all his influence during the Moi era - never made it as a Coastal leader the way Ngala and Karisa Maitha did; and that is why Najib Balala and his Republican Party will go nowhere as long as he is the leader, all because of their Arab background. When Balala was made a Mijikenda elder a few years ago he was denounced and the ceremony cursed yet the same honour had been given earlier to a foreigner.
This tells me that we Coastarians must clean our own house first before talking about Coastal unity. The tendency of ethnic and racial bias, of jealousy, of intolerance and of selfishness must end. Once we establish that equilibrium, Coastal unity will thrive.
In the meantime, our elected leaders must concentrate on delivering promises they made to the electorate.
A year is almost gone. I am yet to hear from our leaders a collective effort in Parliament on issues that most concern our people. The silence from Coast leaders on the floor of Parliament is deafening.
We can have the biggest political party in the country, but if our people go to sleep hungry, if they cannot send their children to school, if they cannot access affordable health care, if they cannot get jobs, then it's all useless. Each one of us has a contribution to make. As an elected leader, I made mine. Now, it's your turn.
Instead of making noises in barazas, you must do what you were elected to do; stand up in Parliament and argue the peoples' case.
And that is my say.
I was one of such leader. There was a time when I believed in a Coast-managed political party. That is why, when I hear, as I am hearing now, that some Coast legislators want to form their own party away from the main organisations, I understand though I no longer hold that view. What I don't understand is why as Coast leaders we refuse to learn from past failures.
If there is a region which has had more political parties than any other since independence, it is the Coast. As proof just look at this long list of political organisations that have existed since the end of single party rule at the end of 1991 (not in any particular order):-
1. The Islamic Party of Kenya
2. Chama cha Majimbo na Mwangaza
3. Shirikisho Party of Kenya
4. Republican Congress
5. Uzalendo Party of Kenya
6. National Labour Party of Kenya
7. Kenya National Congress
8. Federal Party of Kenya
7. Kadu-Asili
(Political Pressure Groups)
1.Coast Leaders' Forum
2.Coast Peoples' Forum, and several others.
So, the issue is not whether Coast should have a political party. We already have several. The issue is why all these parties have failed to resonate with the people, and have either collapsed or are limping to their death.
Unlike the other regions in the country, Coast is not a homogeneous entity. It harbours many tribes that speak diverse languages and adhere to disparate cultures and norms. The Mijikenda may be the biggest unit but within it are nine distinct tribes whose languages and cultures have some variations, minuscule as they may be. Then we have theTaita and Taveta, Pokomo, Orma, Bajuni, Waswahili, the Arabs and several others.
To bring all these people together one needs more than a flimsy declaration or a hasty political decision. We have had similar declarations before but they have yielded nothing that can be said to be close to a regional party.
Before independence, the Coast had several satellite parties such as the Mombasa African Democratic Party (MADU), Kwale African Democratic Party (Kwadu), Kilifi African Peoples Union (KAPU) and similar others in Pokomoland and Taita/Taveta. They flourished and made immense contributions to our independence struggle.
When Ronald Ngala, Daniel Arap Moi and others formed the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) in 1963, it became easy to bring all those entities on board because there was a common thread of understanding of what unity was all about.
With the disbandment of KADU in 1964 came a scramble for positions in KANU's government that caused divisions within the Coastal leadership ranks. Those divisions have not been mended. The formation of the Coast Parliamentary Group in the 1980s intended to bring elected leaders closer failed to work because of petty jealousies and power struggles. Even today the CPG is a divided house. If elected leaders cannot sit down for a meaningful discussion, how can we expect people in all corners of the region to coalesce around one organisation?
That is why I now believe it was wishful thinking on my part to think forming Shirikisho with others in 1997 would unite Coastarians. It was also wishful thinking when I came up with the idea of the Coast Leaders' Forum in 2005. With this history behind me, I have every reason to predict that the efforts now in the works will bear no fruit and are therefore a waste of time.
Forming and maintaining a political party is not a walk in the park. They require huge amounts of money (which Coastarians do not have) and a great deal of sacrifice (which Coastarians lack). A short-cut will be to get a tycoon to bank-roll such an organisation. Whether that tycoon is an Italian investor who wants protection, an Arab businessman with a secret agenda, or a major political party angling for votes, the fact is that something will have to give. We have seen leaders and parties being pocketed by interested parties before. When that happens the party loses goodwill and it collapses.
There is another underlying malaise which must be sorted out for coastal unity to emerge. And this is a subject we Coastarians do not wish to discuss. It has to do with ethnic and even racial bias. Why, for example, do we think it is only a Mijikenda (and not a Taita or a Pokomo) who can lead the Coast? When we talk of anointing a Coastal leader we think of a Mijikenda. There has never been a "mgogo" from any other community other than Mijikenda. Don't the others have leaders who can lead?
No wonder Sharif Nassir - with all his influence during the Moi era - never made it as a Coastal leader the way Ngala and Karisa Maitha did; and that is why Najib Balala and his Republican Party will go nowhere as long as he is the leader, all because of their Arab background. When Balala was made a Mijikenda elder a few years ago he was denounced and the ceremony cursed yet the same honour had been given earlier to a foreigner.
This tells me that we Coastarians must clean our own house first before talking about Coastal unity. The tendency of ethnic and racial bias, of jealousy, of intolerance and of selfishness must end. Once we establish that equilibrium, Coastal unity will thrive.
In the meantime, our elected leaders must concentrate on delivering promises they made to the electorate.
A year is almost gone. I am yet to hear from our leaders a collective effort in Parliament on issues that most concern our people. The silence from Coast leaders on the floor of Parliament is deafening.
We can have the biggest political party in the country, but if our people go to sleep hungry, if they cannot send their children to school, if they cannot access affordable health care, if they cannot get jobs, then it's all useless. Each one of us has a contribution to make. As an elected leader, I made mine. Now, it's your turn.
Instead of making noises in barazas, you must do what you were elected to do; stand up in Parliament and argue the peoples' case.
And that is my say.
Sunday, January 12, 2014
UHURU'S APPOINTMENTS, POLITICAL LOSERS AND GRAYING "WAZEES"
Reading newspapers nowadays, one would think there is a new tribe in Kenya on top of the 42 official ethnic groups.
During the past month or so, President Uhuru Kenyatta's appointments to parastatal boards have yielded a new tribe in Kenya called "losers." Currently, the six-letter word has become one of the most over-used item in the Kenyan political dictionary. Sample these headlines:-
1. President Uhuru Kenyatta gives poll losers, allies, lifeline. (the italics are mine)
2. Uhuru appoints election losers to head parastatals
3. Election losers make a comeback in appointments
4. Poll losers appointed by Uhuru to head boards.
5. Protests as Jubilee election losers and cronies picked.
6. New Year gift for poll losers.
7. More poll losers get State appointments, (and so on and so on).
(a)Who are these losers? (b)What did they lose? (c)Are they citizens of Kenya? (d) Do they pay taxes? (e) Are they qualified for the jobs offered to them? (f) Are they loyal to their country? (g) Are they criminals and shouldn't hold public offices? (h) Is President Kenyatta violating the constitution by appointing them?
If the answers to questions (c) to (g) are yes and (g) and (h) are no, then Chief Justice Mutunga would slam the gavel and shout: case dismissed!.
Now let us turn to (a) and (b). The so-called losers are full-blooded Kenyans who chose to try their luck in elections. Unluckily, they lost. But they are Kenyans; most likely, they are not criminals; and most likely they pay taxes regularly.
Now, apart from fighting losers, critics have also taken issue with graying old men who are given positions which, they say, should go to younger people. The appointment of former Civil Service boss, Francis Muthaura, as Chairman of the multi-trillion shilling Lamu Port South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor, Lapsset, has been the most controversial.
Such critics appear not to appreciate the level of knowledge, skills and expertise Muthaura brings to the project. He is undoubtedly the most qualified candidate for the job. He has had an exemplary stint in government. Moi depended on him; Kibaki cherished him. The fact that Uhuru Kenyatta is entrusting him with a project of such monumental importance to our economy says a lot about his professional and individual qualities.
It needs to be said that the Kenya Constitution bars all forms of discrimination. Singling out a part of our citizenry on the basis of age and political performance is as myopic as discriminating people on the basis of religion, gender, race and tribe.
Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta both lost elections, but they came back and we elected them. Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Peter Kenneth, Abduba Dida, Paul Muite and Prof. Ole Kiyapi, should not be written off just because they have previously failed to win the presidency.
The bottom line is: we should let President appoint the people he thinks will help him govern effectively in accordance with the Constitution and in line with the objectives he has set for his government. This does not mean he should be blind to public opinion. We gave him the mandate to rule. We should not restrain him from executing this mandate by dictating to him who to hire and fire.
And that is my say.
During the past month or so, President Uhuru Kenyatta's appointments to parastatal boards have yielded a new tribe in Kenya called "losers." Currently, the six-letter word has become one of the most over-used item in the Kenyan political dictionary. Sample these headlines:-
1. President Uhuru Kenyatta gives poll losers, allies, lifeline. (the italics are mine)
2. Uhuru appoints election losers to head parastatals
3. Election losers make a comeback in appointments
4. Poll losers appointed by Uhuru to head boards.
5. Protests as Jubilee election losers and cronies picked.
6. New Year gift for poll losers.
7. More poll losers get State appointments, (and so on and so on).
(a)Who are these losers? (b)What did they lose? (c)Are they citizens of Kenya? (d) Do they pay taxes? (e) Are they qualified for the jobs offered to them? (f) Are they loyal to their country? (g) Are they criminals and shouldn't hold public offices? (h) Is President Kenyatta violating the constitution by appointing them?
If the answers to questions (c) to (g) are yes and (g) and (h) are no, then Chief Justice Mutunga would slam the gavel and shout: case dismissed!.
Now let us turn to (a) and (b). The so-called losers are full-blooded Kenyans who chose to try their luck in elections. Unluckily, they lost. But they are Kenyans; most likely, they are not criminals; and most likely they pay taxes regularly.
Now, apart from fighting losers, critics have also taken issue with graying old men who are given positions which, they say, should go to younger people. The appointment of former Civil Service boss, Francis Muthaura, as Chairman of the multi-trillion shilling Lamu Port South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor, Lapsset, has been the most controversial.
Such critics appear not to appreciate the level of knowledge, skills and expertise Muthaura brings to the project. He is undoubtedly the most qualified candidate for the job. He has had an exemplary stint in government. Moi depended on him; Kibaki cherished him. The fact that Uhuru Kenyatta is entrusting him with a project of such monumental importance to our economy says a lot about his professional and individual qualities.
It needs to be said that the Kenya Constitution bars all forms of discrimination. Singling out a part of our citizenry on the basis of age and political performance is as myopic as discriminating people on the basis of religion, gender, race and tribe.
Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta both lost elections, but they came back and we elected them. Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Martha Karua, Peter Kenneth, Abduba Dida, Paul Muite and Prof. Ole Kiyapi, should not be written off just because they have previously failed to win the presidency.
The bottom line is: we should let President appoint the people he thinks will help him govern effectively in accordance with the Constitution and in line with the objectives he has set for his government. This does not mean he should be blind to public opinion. We gave him the mandate to rule. We should not restrain him from executing this mandate by dictating to him who to hire and fire.
And that is my say.
Wednesday, January 8, 2014
ALLEGATIONS OF TOP-LEVEL CORRUPTION HURTING KENYA
There is a whiff of the 1990's in the air in Kenya today.
Twenty three years ago as the country entered into a multi-party system of government and was getting ready to implement IMF economic reforms, a major financial scandal broke out. Mandarins in the government had schemed up an arrangement in which a local company, Goldenberg International, was to be paid a 35 percent compensation for all gold it exported, even though Kenya did not produce gold. By the time it came to a halt in 1993, the scheme, now known as the Goldenberg scandal, had robbed Kenya of an estimated 60 billion shillings or a fifth of its gross domestic product.
In 1997, another mega scandal - the Anglo Leasing - exploded. What started as a project to acquire a passport printing system somersaulted into a big conspiracy involving some big wigs and a loss of billions of shillings through various illegal transactions.
Now, less than a year into the Jubilee government, two more scandals, seemingly of astronomical proportions have erupted, playing out at a time when the IMF Managing Director, Christine Lagarde, was visiting to discuss possible financial assistance to Kenya.
One of those scandals involves the standard gauge railway line from Mombasa to Malaba in Uganda. If the reports are true, this could turn out to be one big embarrassment for the Jubilee government. The project was initiated during President Mwai Kibaki's government, but it was after Uhuru visited China last August and signed on the dotted line, that the race to implement it began.
President Kenyatta inaugurated the project and everything was going on as planned until it came to light that the cost of its construction had jumped from 220 billion to 1.3 billion shilling. If implemented, critics say, Kenya stands to lose 400 billion shillings. Government officials have disputed the 1.3 billion figure insisting the cost of infrastructure and of trains and locomotives would only cost 327 billion shillings.
Now, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission has jumped into the controversy with a commitment for a thorough investigation. Hopefully, the truth will eventually come out.
As the railway deal was brewing, another one, described by COTU Secretary General as the "scandal of the year' is in the kettle boiling. Francis Atwoli alleges that the Treasury could lose up to 5 billion shillings through inflated bills related to the construction of roads and a sewerage system at Tassia estate in Nairobi's Eastlands area. According to him, the cost of the project - again to be undertaken by a Chinese company - has been inflated by greedy individuals from 3.36 billion to 5.05 billion without the approval of the administering Board at the National Social Security Fund, NSSF.
The Labour Cabinet Secretary Kazungu Kambi has denied the allegations saying the whole amount was approved. The question is: who between the two is telling the truth? That question can only be answered through investigations.
The NSSF - a workers' retirement fund - has been at the centre of corruption scandals for years. Some pundits say it is at the top of the ten most corrupt State Corporations in the country. Only in June, the anti-corruption body reportedly froze its assets worth 15 billion shillings following revelations of imprudent investments.
What does all this mean to Kenya? It means we have allowed greed to infiltrate and take residence in our moral conscience. It proves once again that people go for high public positions not for the good of the country but for personal interests. It means we don't care about embarrassing ourselves to the rest of the country and the world. And more importantly, it means some of us do not love our country as much as we say.
On the railway deal, three Parliamentary Committees - the Public Accounts Committee, the Transport Committee and the Public Investment Committee - are jostling for an opportunity to investigate. Given past history, I am not convinced this work should be left to Parliament alone. Also, why jostle unless there is someting to "eat"? The Committees can jostle and fight for the stakes, but let us leave the job of investigations to the anti-corruption organisation.
And that is my say.
Twenty three years ago as the country entered into a multi-party system of government and was getting ready to implement IMF economic reforms, a major financial scandal broke out. Mandarins in the government had schemed up an arrangement in which a local company, Goldenberg International, was to be paid a 35 percent compensation for all gold it exported, even though Kenya did not produce gold. By the time it came to a halt in 1993, the scheme, now known as the Goldenberg scandal, had robbed Kenya of an estimated 60 billion shillings or a fifth of its gross domestic product.
In 1997, another mega scandal - the Anglo Leasing - exploded. What started as a project to acquire a passport printing system somersaulted into a big conspiracy involving some big wigs and a loss of billions of shillings through various illegal transactions.
Now, less than a year into the Jubilee government, two more scandals, seemingly of astronomical proportions have erupted, playing out at a time when the IMF Managing Director, Christine Lagarde, was visiting to discuss possible financial assistance to Kenya.
One of those scandals involves the standard gauge railway line from Mombasa to Malaba in Uganda. If the reports are true, this could turn out to be one big embarrassment for the Jubilee government. The project was initiated during President Mwai Kibaki's government, but it was after Uhuru visited China last August and signed on the dotted line, that the race to implement it began.
President Kenyatta inaugurated the project and everything was going on as planned until it came to light that the cost of its construction had jumped from 220 billion to 1.3 billion shilling. If implemented, critics say, Kenya stands to lose 400 billion shillings. Government officials have disputed the 1.3 billion figure insisting the cost of infrastructure and of trains and locomotives would only cost 327 billion shillings.
Now, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission has jumped into the controversy with a commitment for a thorough investigation. Hopefully, the truth will eventually come out.
As the railway deal was brewing, another one, described by COTU Secretary General as the "scandal of the year' is in the kettle boiling. Francis Atwoli alleges that the Treasury could lose up to 5 billion shillings through inflated bills related to the construction of roads and a sewerage system at Tassia estate in Nairobi's Eastlands area. According to him, the cost of the project - again to be undertaken by a Chinese company - has been inflated by greedy individuals from 3.36 billion to 5.05 billion without the approval of the administering Board at the National Social Security Fund, NSSF.
The Labour Cabinet Secretary Kazungu Kambi has denied the allegations saying the whole amount was approved. The question is: who between the two is telling the truth? That question can only be answered through investigations.
The NSSF - a workers' retirement fund - has been at the centre of corruption scandals for years. Some pundits say it is at the top of the ten most corrupt State Corporations in the country. Only in June, the anti-corruption body reportedly froze its assets worth 15 billion shillings following revelations of imprudent investments.
What does all this mean to Kenya? It means we have allowed greed to infiltrate and take residence in our moral conscience. It proves once again that people go for high public positions not for the good of the country but for personal interests. It means we don't care about embarrassing ourselves to the rest of the country and the world. And more importantly, it means some of us do not love our country as much as we say.
On the railway deal, three Parliamentary Committees - the Public Accounts Committee, the Transport Committee and the Public Investment Committee - are jostling for an opportunity to investigate. Given past history, I am not convinced this work should be left to Parliament alone. Also, why jostle unless there is someting to "eat"? The Committees can jostle and fight for the stakes, but let us leave the job of investigations to the anti-corruption organisation.
And that is my say.
Monday, December 23, 2013
WHO ARE THE PEOPLE BEHIND THE "PARALLEL' GOVERNMENT IN KENYA?
If Kenya has not achieved anything else in its 50 years of independence, it can boast of having gained a reasonable level of tolerance in the fields of politics and governance.
Decades ago no civil servant would have dared to release the kind of statement Eric Ng'eno issued this past week without facing serious repercussions. The Director of Speech Writing and Messaging at State House tore into unnamed senior colleagues accusing them of running a "parallel State" within a State.
The official also hinted at corruption in the system when he talked of "public sector thieves who are not even looking behind their shoulders before dipping their hands into the till." He claimed President Uhuru and his Deputy William Ruto were being sabotaged by a "coterie of senior civil servants opposed to their new way of doing things in government."
This stance is quite unusual and raises a question: why did Ng'eno go public when he could have raised the issue directly with his seniors at State House?
So far, there has been no serious reaction from the higher echelons of government other than a casual remark by the Government Spokesman, Manoah Esipisu, that Ng'eno's views were personal.
This could mean three things: either consultations were ongoing between the various feuding parties within the inner circles of government, or that the matter was so sensitive as to require official comment. There is also a possibility that Ng'eno's statement had the blessing of one or both of the two principals in the ruling coalition. Either way, the public needs to know whether or not what Ng'eno said resonates with the truth. And if so, what the government plans to do about it.
Coming at a time of rising internal dissent in the Jubilee Coalition over the distribution of appointments between Uhuru's TNA and Ruto's URP, and allegations of shady procurement deals pertaining to the recently commissioned standard gauge railway line, this latest development adds to the growing teething problems in the nine-month old Coalition government.
One thing is clear however. The kind of intolerance we saw during the era of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Arap Moi when civil servants were expected to act apolitical and politicians were exhorted to toe the government line without question must be on its sunset years. Before, violators were sacked, ostracised, banned from holding public office or, worse still, jailed.
The most notable victim of forbearance during Jomo's administration, for example, was none other than Barack Obama Sr, the late father of the US President. Fresh from university in America and working as a senior economists in government, Barack took the courage of rubbishing what was then considered a revolutionary blueprint: the African Socialism and its Applicability to Planning in Kenya, popularly known as the Sessional Paper No. 10. The document, which provided the road map for Kenya's economic development, was crafted by none other than the celebrated Tom Mboya.
"One need not be a Kenyan," Obama Sr. shot up in an article published in the East African Journal in 1965, "to note that nearly all commercial enterprises from small shops in River Road to big shops in Government Road, (now Kenyatta Avenue), and industries in the industrial area were mostly owned by Asians and Europeans.
"One need not be a Kenyan to note that most hotels and entertainment places are owned by Asians and Europeans."
He continued: "One need not need to be a Kenyan to note that when one goes to a good restaurant, he mostly finds Asians and Europeans; nor has he to be a Kenyan to see that the majority of cars are run by Asians and Europeans...We have to give the African his place in his own country, and we have to give him his economic power if he is going to develop."
That was a loaded statement that rattled government insiders. The moment the magazine hit the streets, Obama Sr. was sacked never to be gainfully employed again.
Since then dozens of public workers and politicians have suffered for making political statements seen to be critical of government. At least three ministers were fired for criticising Kenyatta over the death of politician J.M Kariuki; and five were given the boot for opposing the constitutional draft during the 2005 referendum. These are just a few of many.
When Prof. Ouma Muga, an Assistant Minister in Moi's government reportedly boasted that he was the one who wrote the speech Moi delivered at the Ozone Layer Conference in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1989, he was immediately dismissed. He was accused of taking credit that should have gone to the President. The speech called for the signing of an international treaty on hazardous waste disposal and a ban on dumping of waste in Africa. It was hailed as one of the most brilliant speeches ever delivered by a Kenyan Head of State at any international meeting.
As for civil servants, involvement in politics has never been allowed. If Ngeno had been working under any of the previous Presidents he would probably be cooling his heels at a village somewhere. But this is the Jubilee era. Even with our many challenges, we seem to tolerate individual views - whether they are from a civil servant at the top ranks of government or a mwananchi posting comments in the social media.
This is a small democratic gain but we must preserve it.
And that is my say.
Decades ago no civil servant would have dared to release the kind of statement Eric Ng'eno issued this past week without facing serious repercussions. The Director of Speech Writing and Messaging at State House tore into unnamed senior colleagues accusing them of running a "parallel State" within a State.
The official also hinted at corruption in the system when he talked of "public sector thieves who are not even looking behind their shoulders before dipping their hands into the till." He claimed President Uhuru and his Deputy William Ruto were being sabotaged by a "coterie of senior civil servants opposed to their new way of doing things in government."
This stance is quite unusual and raises a question: why did Ng'eno go public when he could have raised the issue directly with his seniors at State House?
So far, there has been no serious reaction from the higher echelons of government other than a casual remark by the Government Spokesman, Manoah Esipisu, that Ng'eno's views were personal.
This could mean three things: either consultations were ongoing between the various feuding parties within the inner circles of government, or that the matter was so sensitive as to require official comment. There is also a possibility that Ng'eno's statement had the blessing of one or both of the two principals in the ruling coalition. Either way, the public needs to know whether or not what Ng'eno said resonates with the truth. And if so, what the government plans to do about it.
Coming at a time of rising internal dissent in the Jubilee Coalition over the distribution of appointments between Uhuru's TNA and Ruto's URP, and allegations of shady procurement deals pertaining to the recently commissioned standard gauge railway line, this latest development adds to the growing teething problems in the nine-month old Coalition government.
One thing is clear however. The kind of intolerance we saw during the era of Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Arap Moi when civil servants were expected to act apolitical and politicians were exhorted to toe the government line without question must be on its sunset years. Before, violators were sacked, ostracised, banned from holding public office or, worse still, jailed.
The most notable victim of forbearance during Jomo's administration, for example, was none other than Barack Obama Sr, the late father of the US President. Fresh from university in America and working as a senior economists in government, Barack took the courage of rubbishing what was then considered a revolutionary blueprint: the African Socialism and its Applicability to Planning in Kenya, popularly known as the Sessional Paper No. 10. The document, which provided the road map for Kenya's economic development, was crafted by none other than the celebrated Tom Mboya.
"One need not be a Kenyan," Obama Sr. shot up in an article published in the East African Journal in 1965, "to note that nearly all commercial enterprises from small shops in River Road to big shops in Government Road, (now Kenyatta Avenue), and industries in the industrial area were mostly owned by Asians and Europeans.
"One need not be a Kenyan to note that most hotels and entertainment places are owned by Asians and Europeans."
He continued: "One need not need to be a Kenyan to note that when one goes to a good restaurant, he mostly finds Asians and Europeans; nor has he to be a Kenyan to see that the majority of cars are run by Asians and Europeans...We have to give the African his place in his own country, and we have to give him his economic power if he is going to develop."
That was a loaded statement that rattled government insiders. The moment the magazine hit the streets, Obama Sr. was sacked never to be gainfully employed again.
Since then dozens of public workers and politicians have suffered for making political statements seen to be critical of government. At least three ministers were fired for criticising Kenyatta over the death of politician J.M Kariuki; and five were given the boot for opposing the constitutional draft during the 2005 referendum. These are just a few of many.
When Prof. Ouma Muga, an Assistant Minister in Moi's government reportedly boasted that he was the one who wrote the speech Moi delivered at the Ozone Layer Conference in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1989, he was immediately dismissed. He was accused of taking credit that should have gone to the President. The speech called for the signing of an international treaty on hazardous waste disposal and a ban on dumping of waste in Africa. It was hailed as one of the most brilliant speeches ever delivered by a Kenyan Head of State at any international meeting.
As for civil servants, involvement in politics has never been allowed. If Ngeno had been working under any of the previous Presidents he would probably be cooling his heels at a village somewhere. But this is the Jubilee era. Even with our many challenges, we seem to tolerate individual views - whether they are from a civil servant at the top ranks of government or a mwananchi posting comments in the social media.
This is a small democratic gain but we must preserve it.
And that is my say.
Sunday, December 15, 2013
TORMENTS FOLLOW RAILA OUTSIDE GOVERNMENT
How times have changed for Raila Amolo Odinga.
Not too long ago, the son of the legendary Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was the second most powerful man in Kenya. He occupied an imposing office block, opposite the Office of the President, that cost one billion shillings and featured the latest high-tech gadgets, including a computerised shower cubicle.
A designer water fountain in front of the building and a huge pompous sign: Office of the Prime Minister, left no doubt who occupied the seven-storey building.
He enjoyed the most elaborate personal security rivalling only that of President Mwai Kibaki - with chase cars and motorcycle-riders. His homes were guarded 24 hours a day and members of his family were on around-the-clock watch by armed security.
He carried the aristocratic title: the Right Honourable, a honorific prefix bestowed on members of the British Privy Council. Never before had such a title been used in the country.
Yes, he was the Right Honourable Prime Minister of the Republic of Kenya.
Thanks to the National Accord reached after protracted negotiations following the violence-prone 2007 elections, Raila was approaching the pinnacle of his career - a breathe away from State House yet so, so far away.
Even after agreeing to share power with the celebrated former democracy champion, Kibaki was not prepared to give Raila space to perform his duties, one of which was to coordinate government ministries. Kibaki often made critical decisions involving ministries without consulting his partner. On many occasions, Raila complained about the (mis) treatment from Kibaki's side of the coalition but no one in government really cared.
When the situation threatened to bring down the Grand Coalition, the two leaders and their entourages went on a retreat deep in the Tsavo National Park to try to find solutions. However, the meeting collapsed following disagreements over the agenda. Raila also complained that his room was not as lavish as the President's and it was located far away from that of the Head of State.He was not being treated right, he lamented.
On the ground, provincial officers got the cue on how the government treated Raila and refused to spread out red carpets whenever he visited their areas. Once in Mombasa, top officers disappeared altogether leaving juniors to bring along a tattered carpet to one of his meetings. In the process of mounting the "nusu mkeka," as Raila himself called it, they forgot to provide a "Johnnie" at the back of the podium for short-call use by the Prime Minister. Raila was livid and accused the government of disrespecting him.
Raila had to work for months without a salary because of disagreements over his salary scale. There was also a protocol wrangle over who between him and Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka was senior. Government functionaries tended to side with the latter.
And all that was happening when Raila was the Right Honourable Prime Minister.
In his book, the Flame of Freedom, he described his period in the Grand Coalition as "five years of torment."
After losing out to Uhuru in 2012, Raila's political life took an even more miserable turn. Some of the first things the government did was to trim down his security; confiscate most of his official cars, and evict him from his posh offices along Harambee Avenue. He has also been denied his pension, unless he fulfills certain conditions.
As if that is not enough, he was denied use of VIP lounges at airports through a simple directive from the Office of the President that invoked "security and strategic" reasons. Seeing a pattern of embarrassing events trailing him, Raila climbed down and used common arrival and departure areas at airports.
Reports said Raila yearned for an opportunity to serve as a presidential advisor of some sort. When President Uhuru Kenyatta ignored his interest, the former political detainee travelled to Uganda and sought the intervention of President Yoweri Museveni. For a while, Kenyans believed the leader of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) would be assigned to arbitrate over troubling issues affecting the East African Community. However, when the government denied there was a problem that needed fixing, Raila's hopes were dashed.
Today, Raila would be lucky to be acknowledged at official functions. Last week at the @50 celebrations at Kasarani it was the Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan who recognised him and talked of his contributions to Kenya. Government officials were not willing to do that.
Raila is now left to beg for chores to do. Recently after he was excluded from the commissioning of the standard-gauge railway line in Mombasa he talked about it publicly. As a gesture of appeasement, the government gave him the "honour" of opening a railway station in Nairobi, a job normally reserved for the transportation cabinet secretary.
In recent days, we have seen the humiliation of Raila Odinga coming, not from the government side, but from his own party. Reports that he was not properly recognised during an ODM Governor's function, prompting him to "walk" out, is further evidence that power lasts only when one is in power.
To make matters worse, his once close allies are deserting him in droves and quietly throwing their support behind Uhuru and Ruto. One ODM Senator even told him not to expect an automatic party presidential nomination in 2017.
What all this tells me is that Raila is no longer the "enigma" of the liberation struggle nor the "unbwogable agwambo" of the Orange Movement who for years sent shivers in the spine of former President Daniel Arap Moi. True, he still commands support in certain areas of the country, but the man who has failed thrice to become president is certainly humbled.
In the next five years, as he tries to remain politically relevant, the 69-year old leader should expect many more torments at the hands of both his friends and foes.
And that is my say.
Not too long ago, the son of the legendary Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was the second most powerful man in Kenya. He occupied an imposing office block, opposite the Office of the President, that cost one billion shillings and featured the latest high-tech gadgets, including a computerised shower cubicle.
A designer water fountain in front of the building and a huge pompous sign: Office of the Prime Minister, left no doubt who occupied the seven-storey building.
He enjoyed the most elaborate personal security rivalling only that of President Mwai Kibaki - with chase cars and motorcycle-riders. His homes were guarded 24 hours a day and members of his family were on around-the-clock watch by armed security.
He carried the aristocratic title: the Right Honourable, a honorific prefix bestowed on members of the British Privy Council. Never before had such a title been used in the country.
Yes, he was the Right Honourable Prime Minister of the Republic of Kenya.
Thanks to the National Accord reached after protracted negotiations following the violence-prone 2007 elections, Raila was approaching the pinnacle of his career - a breathe away from State House yet so, so far away.
Even after agreeing to share power with the celebrated former democracy champion, Kibaki was not prepared to give Raila space to perform his duties, one of which was to coordinate government ministries. Kibaki often made critical decisions involving ministries without consulting his partner. On many occasions, Raila complained about the (mis) treatment from Kibaki's side of the coalition but no one in government really cared.
When the situation threatened to bring down the Grand Coalition, the two leaders and their entourages went on a retreat deep in the Tsavo National Park to try to find solutions. However, the meeting collapsed following disagreements over the agenda. Raila also complained that his room was not as lavish as the President's and it was located far away from that of the Head of State.He was not being treated right, he lamented.
On the ground, provincial officers got the cue on how the government treated Raila and refused to spread out red carpets whenever he visited their areas. Once in Mombasa, top officers disappeared altogether leaving juniors to bring along a tattered carpet to one of his meetings. In the process of mounting the "nusu mkeka," as Raila himself called it, they forgot to provide a "Johnnie" at the back of the podium for short-call use by the Prime Minister. Raila was livid and accused the government of disrespecting him.
Raila had to work for months without a salary because of disagreements over his salary scale. There was also a protocol wrangle over who between him and Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka was senior. Government functionaries tended to side with the latter.
And all that was happening when Raila was the Right Honourable Prime Minister.
In his book, the Flame of Freedom, he described his period in the Grand Coalition as "five years of torment."
After losing out to Uhuru in 2012, Raila's political life took an even more miserable turn. Some of the first things the government did was to trim down his security; confiscate most of his official cars, and evict him from his posh offices along Harambee Avenue. He has also been denied his pension, unless he fulfills certain conditions.
As if that is not enough, he was denied use of VIP lounges at airports through a simple directive from the Office of the President that invoked "security and strategic" reasons. Seeing a pattern of embarrassing events trailing him, Raila climbed down and used common arrival and departure areas at airports.
Reports said Raila yearned for an opportunity to serve as a presidential advisor of some sort. When President Uhuru Kenyatta ignored his interest, the former political detainee travelled to Uganda and sought the intervention of President Yoweri Museveni. For a while, Kenyans believed the leader of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) would be assigned to arbitrate over troubling issues affecting the East African Community. However, when the government denied there was a problem that needed fixing, Raila's hopes were dashed.
Today, Raila would be lucky to be acknowledged at official functions. Last week at the @50 celebrations at Kasarani it was the Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan who recognised him and talked of his contributions to Kenya. Government officials were not willing to do that.
Raila is now left to beg for chores to do. Recently after he was excluded from the commissioning of the standard-gauge railway line in Mombasa he talked about it publicly. As a gesture of appeasement, the government gave him the "honour" of opening a railway station in Nairobi, a job normally reserved for the transportation cabinet secretary.
In recent days, we have seen the humiliation of Raila Odinga coming, not from the government side, but from his own party. Reports that he was not properly recognised during an ODM Governor's function, prompting him to "walk" out, is further evidence that power lasts only when one is in power.
To make matters worse, his once close allies are deserting him in droves and quietly throwing their support behind Uhuru and Ruto. One ODM Senator even told him not to expect an automatic party presidential nomination in 2017.
What all this tells me is that Raila is no longer the "enigma" of the liberation struggle nor the "unbwogable agwambo" of the Orange Movement who for years sent shivers in the spine of former President Daniel Arap Moi. True, he still commands support in certain areas of the country, but the man who has failed thrice to become president is certainly humbled.
In the next five years, as he tries to remain politically relevant, the 69-year old leader should expect many more torments at the hands of both his friends and foes.
And that is my say.
Wednesday, December 4, 2013
LOVE HER OR HATE HER, AMINA MOHAMED "ROCKS"
Not too long ago, many Kenyans did not know who Amina Mohamed was. Her various positions in the bureaucracy did not give her an opportunity to shine. However, in recent months, her name has appeared everywhere, thanks to the International Criminal Court and her aggressive campaign to clear the names of President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto, currently facing international charges against humanity.
It was only in May when she was plucked from the corridors of quiet diplomacy at the United Nations where she served as an Assistant Secretary General and thrust into the murky global political arena and a blazing media spotlight. Amina is perhaps the most recognisable Kenya government official besides Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto. Because of her steadfast defence of the government, she appears to have earned a place as one of Uhuru's most dependable advisers.
Amina is the 20th person to hold the Foreign Affairs portfolio since Kenya became independent, the first one being Jomo Kenyatta in 1963 when he was Prime Minister. Four of the them - Joseph Murumbi, Mbiyu Koinange, Kalonzo Musyoka and Robert Ouko - each served two stints.
As we celebrate the Jubilee Anniversary this year, it is only fitting to look at some of the people who have left the biggest foot-print in our relations with the rest of the world.
Out of the 20 Ministers, I have chosen four - Dr. Njoroge Mungai, Dr. Munyua Waiyaki, Musyoka and Ouko, as the top diplomats who will go into history books as the most dynamic. You can now add Amina to that coveted list. She happens to be the only career diplomat, a non-politician and a female to be appointed to the docket.
Both Mungai and Waiyaki served during the turbulent era of apartheid in South Africa and stood at the very front of the diplomatic fight against the deplorable policies of the Boer regime.
When Britain wanted to sell arms to the Pretoria regime it was Mungai who vigorously campaigned against the sale. South Africa asked for the arms ostensibly to defend the Indian Ocean sea corridor, but Mungai and other African leaders feared the armaments could be used against South African freedom fighters. The Kenya Foreign Minister made that position with vigour and commitment at all international fora.
In Singapore in 1971, at a meeting of Foreign Affairs Ministers ahead of the Commonwealth Heads of State Summit, some countries led by Britain - the intended supplier of the wares - distanced themselves from the Kenya position even though Mungai made a compelling case. By the time the matter reached the Summit the following day, the hard line position taken by Mungai had been sabotaged by some elements in the Kenya delegation who managed to convince the Vice President and leader of delegation, Daniel Arap Moi, to back down and support the sale. The opposition was defeated.
However, Mungai's career got a major boost when he successfully convinced the world to set up the headquarters of the UN Environment Programme in Nairobi. The Gigiri complex is considered the biggest trophy of our global diplomacy and kudos will forever go to Jomo Kenyatta's one-time physician.
When Mungai was moved to Defence, Waiyaki took up the apartheid regime with a vengeance. While some Kenyan leaders pushed for the normalisation of relations with South Africa, Waiyaki made it clear that would "not happen during my lifetime, not when I am in charge of foreign affairs." He said it would only happen over his dead body.
Waiyaki was unflinching when it came to fighting for Kenya's interests - whether it was at the OAU opposing the Boers; at the Habitat Conference in Vancouver when he called for a comprehensive approach to human settlements; or, in New York when he engaged the US Assistant Secretary of State Nathaniel Davis over the supply of fighter jets to Kenya. During Waiyaki's five year tenure, Kenya's voice was heard loud and clear; and when Kenyatta died in Mombasa in 1978, it was Waiyaki who managed Kenya's diplomatic transition from Kenyatta to Moi.
As for Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, he was particularly effective when it came to regional peace initiatives. He shepherded both the Sudan and Somalia peace efforts and was part of the team that re-engineered IGAD, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Initially the organisation was called IGADD, the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development. He is the only Foreign Minister to serve under two Presidents, Daniel Arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki. In both cases his performance was above average. He was relieved of the chairmanship of the peace efforts in 2004 only when he persisted on criticising Kibaki for reneging on the power-sharing arrangement with Raila Odinga's Liberal Democratic Party.
The most recent high achiever in the Foreign Affairs docket was Robert Ouko. Although he did not serve long before he was mysteriously killed, Ouko worked tirelessly during the short time he spent at the Foreign Office to repair Kenya's image abroad, heavily dented by Moi's sweeping disregard for democratic ideals and human rights. He was brilliant, suave and persuasive. One of the best dressed of the Cabinet Ministers then, he cut an image of a statesman, and at times he was seen to be overshadowing his boss. Many think that probably led to his assassination.
Now, Amina. Although some have called her a sycophant, "defending the indefensible" on the issue of the ICC trials, no one has accused her of being dumb or unqualified. The former Justice and Constitutional Affairs Permanent Secretary has impeccable educational and work credentials, a strong, pleasant personality; and is one person who fears nothing once she has made up her mind on an issue.
She spent weeks shuttling between Nairobi, the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, the Hague where ICC sits, and the UN Secretariat in New York trying to ensure the ICC trials do not see the light of day; and when she finally emerged at the Hague to say that "we have achieved everything we wanted to achieve," there was a big sigh of relief from many Kenyans.
The victory was not total but in the eyes of those who were indignant about the whole idea of our President sitting in the dock at the ICC, the Foreign Minister had brought home the bacon.
So hate her or love her, Amina Mohamed "rocks."
And that is my say.
It was only in May when she was plucked from the corridors of quiet diplomacy at the United Nations where she served as an Assistant Secretary General and thrust into the murky global political arena and a blazing media spotlight. Amina is perhaps the most recognisable Kenya government official besides Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto. Because of her steadfast defence of the government, she appears to have earned a place as one of Uhuru's most dependable advisers.
Amina is the 20th person to hold the Foreign Affairs portfolio since Kenya became independent, the first one being Jomo Kenyatta in 1963 when he was Prime Minister. Four of the them - Joseph Murumbi, Mbiyu Koinange, Kalonzo Musyoka and Robert Ouko - each served two stints.
As we celebrate the Jubilee Anniversary this year, it is only fitting to look at some of the people who have left the biggest foot-print in our relations with the rest of the world.
Out of the 20 Ministers, I have chosen four - Dr. Njoroge Mungai, Dr. Munyua Waiyaki, Musyoka and Ouko, as the top diplomats who will go into history books as the most dynamic. You can now add Amina to that coveted list. She happens to be the only career diplomat, a non-politician and a female to be appointed to the docket.
Both Mungai and Waiyaki served during the turbulent era of apartheid in South Africa and stood at the very front of the diplomatic fight against the deplorable policies of the Boer regime.
When Britain wanted to sell arms to the Pretoria regime it was Mungai who vigorously campaigned against the sale. South Africa asked for the arms ostensibly to defend the Indian Ocean sea corridor, but Mungai and other African leaders feared the armaments could be used against South African freedom fighters. The Kenya Foreign Minister made that position with vigour and commitment at all international fora.
In Singapore in 1971, at a meeting of Foreign Affairs Ministers ahead of the Commonwealth Heads of State Summit, some countries led by Britain - the intended supplier of the wares - distanced themselves from the Kenya position even though Mungai made a compelling case. By the time the matter reached the Summit the following day, the hard line position taken by Mungai had been sabotaged by some elements in the Kenya delegation who managed to convince the Vice President and leader of delegation, Daniel Arap Moi, to back down and support the sale. The opposition was defeated.
However, Mungai's career got a major boost when he successfully convinced the world to set up the headquarters of the UN Environment Programme in Nairobi. The Gigiri complex is considered the biggest trophy of our global diplomacy and kudos will forever go to Jomo Kenyatta's one-time physician.
When Mungai was moved to Defence, Waiyaki took up the apartheid regime with a vengeance. While some Kenyan leaders pushed for the normalisation of relations with South Africa, Waiyaki made it clear that would "not happen during my lifetime, not when I am in charge of foreign affairs." He said it would only happen over his dead body.
Waiyaki was unflinching when it came to fighting for Kenya's interests - whether it was at the OAU opposing the Boers; at the Habitat Conference in Vancouver when he called for a comprehensive approach to human settlements; or, in New York when he engaged the US Assistant Secretary of State Nathaniel Davis over the supply of fighter jets to Kenya. During Waiyaki's five year tenure, Kenya's voice was heard loud and clear; and when Kenyatta died in Mombasa in 1978, it was Waiyaki who managed Kenya's diplomatic transition from Kenyatta to Moi.
As for Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, he was particularly effective when it came to regional peace initiatives. He shepherded both the Sudan and Somalia peace efforts and was part of the team that re-engineered IGAD, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. Initially the organisation was called IGADD, the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development. He is the only Foreign Minister to serve under two Presidents, Daniel Arap Moi and Mwai Kibaki. In both cases his performance was above average. He was relieved of the chairmanship of the peace efforts in 2004 only when he persisted on criticising Kibaki for reneging on the power-sharing arrangement with Raila Odinga's Liberal Democratic Party.
The most recent high achiever in the Foreign Affairs docket was Robert Ouko. Although he did not serve long before he was mysteriously killed, Ouko worked tirelessly during the short time he spent at the Foreign Office to repair Kenya's image abroad, heavily dented by Moi's sweeping disregard for democratic ideals and human rights. He was brilliant, suave and persuasive. One of the best dressed of the Cabinet Ministers then, he cut an image of a statesman, and at times he was seen to be overshadowing his boss. Many think that probably led to his assassination.
Now, Amina. Although some have called her a sycophant, "defending the indefensible" on the issue of the ICC trials, no one has accused her of being dumb or unqualified. The former Justice and Constitutional Affairs Permanent Secretary has impeccable educational and work credentials, a strong, pleasant personality; and is one person who fears nothing once she has made up her mind on an issue.
She spent weeks shuttling between Nairobi, the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, the Hague where ICC sits, and the UN Secretariat in New York trying to ensure the ICC trials do not see the light of day; and when she finally emerged at the Hague to say that "we have achieved everything we wanted to achieve," there was a big sigh of relief from many Kenyans.
The victory was not total but in the eyes of those who were indignant about the whole idea of our President sitting in the dock at the ICC, the Foreign Minister had brought home the bacon.
So hate her or love her, Amina Mohamed "rocks."
And that is my say.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)